Across the U.S., monuments to the Confederacy that were decommissioned in the wake of racial violence sit in storage.

Los Angeles-based curator Hamza Walker is traveling the country, both in person and virtually, asking to borrow these monuments for an upcoming art exhibit. In doing so, he is resurfacing old debates in city halls, county headquarters, museum boardrooms and even living rooms.

There are several questions at hand.

How do those in charge of these monuments, whether they are government officials, historic preservationists or families, decide what to do with objects that force Americans to confront a painful part of history that many would prefer to leave in the past?

Does displaying these monuments for public view in museums instead of public parks change them from tools of intimidation to educational opportunities?

Are there aspects of these figures’ legacies that are worth honoring despite their ties with slavery and oppression?

“If history is everything that ever happened, what we do with that is we’re selective,” said Jalane Schmidt, an associate professor at the University of Virginia specializing in the African diaspora. “We select certain moments of history that are worthy of reflecting on, and that’s what these monuments are.”

Walker and his co-curator and project manager Hannah Burstein are not trying to provoke a single answer to those questions, Walker said. They do believe, however, this a conversation that needs to be had.

Tentatively called “Monuments,” the exhibit has been in the works since 2018, Walker said. It gathered new momentum after the killing of George Floyd by a Minneapolis police officer.

Debuting in the fall of 2023 at the Museum of Contemporary Art, the show will display decommissioned Civil War and antebellum monuments alongside newly commissioned art. Some existing works of art will be incorporated into the exhibit, and it may travel to other museums, as well. So far, he has made requests for nearly a dozen monuments, from New Orleans to Baltimore to Charleston.

“How do you diffuse people’s assumptions of the nature of the contention around these objects and get to a point where they are actually looking and listening rather than taking sides?” he said. “In some cases what you think and what you know will be affirmed, and in other cases it will be radically contradicted.”

Walker recently made a request to borrow Charleston’s statue of John C. Calhoun.

A congressman and vice president, Calhoun died years before Southern states launched the Confederacy, but he is also remembered as a fierce defender of slavery and, to some, represents the city’s dark past. Some push back on the idea that Calhoun’s legacy should be strictly tied to slavery, while others said it is the part of his legacy that has the most impact on the present day.

In June 2020, Charleston leaders voted to take the statue down. For weeks before the announcement, the city saw protests almost daily prompted by Floyd’s death.

City officials are deliberating whether to contribute the statue to the exhibit.

After lengthy discussion, Charleston’s Commission on History voted to recommend City Council approve lending the statue out.

A lawsuit backed by conservative advocacy group the American Heritage Association, however, seeks to keep that from happening. The plaintiffs, descendants of Calhoun and the Ladies Calhoun Monument Association, which erected the statue over 125 years ago, argue the statue was never intended to leave South Carolina.

City Council has not yet voted on the matter.

Debates about the proposal are unfolding across the country and stirring up local sentiments about some of history’s most polarizing figures.

Local decision, national scope

Wade Juandiego, vice mayor of Charlottesville, Va., is aware of the consequences of these debates.

Recently elected to City Council, Juandiego previously served as the superintendent of Charlottesville public schools.

Before classes went virtual due to the COVID-19 pandemic or afterschool activities were canceled, the school district was dealing with the aftermath of another crisis.

Students were suffering from the aftershocks of the Unite the Right Rally held in Charlottesville in 2017. The rally, which was prompted by the city’s proposal to remove its Robert E. Lee statue, attracted a far-right protest that included white supremacists. Counterprotester Heather Heyer was killed when a man drove through the crowd.

“Many of our students are traumatized by it,” Juandiego said. “We are only 10 square miles. It inundated the entire city. … Many people believed the marches were on their way to a diverse community nearby, and that’s when the young man drove through the crowd.”

One of his last actions as superintendent was to try to find more funding to continue providing extra counselors the district hired in the aftermath of the attack. When the pandemic hit, he said the need for them felt even greater.

“We haven’t had time to completely get on our feet,” he said.

After taking down the city’s statues of Lee and Stonewall Jackson, Charlottesville City Council put out a request for proposals.

Walker’s request was one of the less controversial proposals, Councilman Michael Payne said.

The council agreed in December to allow the Jefferson School African American Heritage Center to melt down the statue of Robert E. Lee and gained national attention for doing so.

As a result, selling the statue of Stonewall Jackson to Walker’s art exhibit went somewhat under the radar when it was approved.

Payne said the city was ready for such conversations when the proposal came up. He attended the Unite the Right rally as a counterprotester, and it spurred him to turn his activism into a run for his hometown’s City Council.

“It was surreal,” Payne said. “To see political violence up close is a very dark experience.”

The pain from that day was at the forefront of his mind when voting to approve the proposal.

“They became such a lightning rod for groups coming in from across the county,” he said. “That resulted in someone dying here in Charlottesville. … Certainly there was some thought given to ensuring that we don’t position these in a way to allow that to happen again.”

The volatility around these statue also gives those in charge of them pause.

The town dubs itself as the headstone capital of America, said Christopher Kubas, executive vice president of the Elberton Granite Association. The town is situated on a vein of granite that has supported a longstanding granite-mining industry.

A granite Confederate statue sits in pieces in the Granite Association Museum. It was toppled shortly after it was erected in the late 1800s because townspeople thought its uniform too closely resembled a Union soldier.

A Confederate statue in Elberton, Ga., is an early example of the small town’s granite producing-prowess. Elberton Granite Association/Provided

When Walker made a request to borrow the statue from the museum, Kubas said he was wary. He worried about the attention the town and its museum would get. They were more interested in the example of granite work the statue provided than anything else it stood for.

“I just worry about what kind of negative feedback we could get here for being involved with this piece of artifact,” Kubas said. “You see it all the time in news reports. People lash out against anything and everything today.”

Charleston at a crossroads

For now, a decision on Charleston’s Calhoun statue hangs in limbo. The proposal likely won’t be considered until the lawsuit is resolved, but the conversation has already begun.

“This is also an educational opportunity to look at the soul of America and the soul of our community and parse out things that were tragic and things that were difficult. I think we can be a better community for this conversation but we can’t allow the romanticizing of the past,” said Michael Allen, a member of the Charleston Commission on History.

Formerly an employee of the National Park Service, Allen was one of the few Black employees at Fort Sumter and Fort Moultrie. He led efforts to make those sites more inclusive of the effects of slavery on African Americans.

Fellow members of the history commission were hesitant to lend the statue out. Some members couldn’t agree on what the primary focus of his legacy should be. Others said any reference to him that did not emphasize his defense of slavery would be a disservice to Black Charlestonians.

They voted 7-4 in December to recommend the loan to City Council for final approval. While the decision is held up, Walker said his work has already made the impact he intended.

“We already began an exchange of perspectives,” he said.